Interview with U.S. Ambassador to Colombia, Anne Patterson
Question: As part of the United States budget for 2003, the Bush
administration proposed spending US$98 million to protect the Caño
Limón-Coveñas oil pipeline. Why is the United States now concerned
about economic interests in Colombia?
Ambassador Patterson: All of this began eight months ago, in
discussions with General Fernando Tapias (Commander of the Colombian
Military Forces)and members of the Colombian government. We explored
different types of cooperation, and we came to the conclusion that
protecting the Caño Limón-Coveñas pipeline was a crucial project.
Q : Specifically, why the Caño Limón – Coveñas?
Colombia lost almost US$445 million due to attacks against the pipeline
last year. Furthermore, to speak frankly, after September 11, the issue
of oil security has become a priority for the United States.
Q : Does this mean that after September 11th, the political landscape
changed and Colombia has become a more important source of oil for the
United States?
Yes, after Mexico and Venezuela, Colombia is the most important oil
country in the region. After what happened on September 11th, the
traditional oil sources for the United States (the Middle East) are less
secure.
Q : And what role does Latin America begin to play in this scenario?
Latin America could not cover a shortage, it could not supply (us) in a
crisis, but it allows a small margin to work with and avoid price
speculation.
Q : In the United States it is said that by investing US$98 million for
Caño Limón – Coveñas, only the interests of Occidental (Petroleum
Company) are being protected.
Oxy is only one of the partners in the pipeline – it has only 15%.
Eighty-five percent of the resources, the earnings and the royalties
that are generated are shared by (the Department of) Arauca, the
municipality and the (national government).
Q : Why only Caño Limón – Coveñas and not Ocensa, for example?
Ocensa does not have the problems that Caño Limón – Coveñas has, where
last year there were 170 guerrilla attacks.
Q : Why not protect another type of infrastructure?
Because we do not have the resources. Protecting a pipeline is
relatively easy. It is more difficult to protect (electricity
infrastructure) and water systems, which are more disperse.
Q : What other types of initiatives might there be from the United
States?
We have offered our support to the passing of the ATPA (Andean Trade
Preferences Agreement) in Congress. Furthermore, we are looking at
alternatives to offer relief to cut flower producers, for example, until
(ATPA) is passed.
Q : Coming back to the US$98 million, will it be possible to extend the
aid to anything other than oil?
There are more than 300 infrastructure points that are of strategic
interest for the United States in Colombia.
Q : Concrete places?
Yes.
Q : What types of places?
I cannot speak of details.
Q : Does this mean that what you are doing in Caño Limón – Coveñas could
be extended to other types of projects, oil or infrastructure?
Yes, but we are going to wait to see how things go with this project for
Caño Limón – Coveñas.
Q : Some Congresspeople say that this means opening the door for the
United States to participate in the counterinsurgency fight. Is this
true?
It’s true that this is not an anti-narcotics issue, but it is something
that we must do. It’s important for the future of the country, for our
oil sources and for the confidence of our investors.
Q : The fact that you are moving away from the principal goal of Plan
Colombia, which is anti-narcotics, causes concern.
I want to be very clear here, this is different than Plan Colombia, but
Plan Colombia continues. We are going to continue with its goals. We
have requested more money, more than US$400 million, to sustain Plan
Colombia projects.
Q : The FARC demanded that Plan Colombia be discontinued. What do you
say?
I don’t think so, but I do not respond to stupidities spoken by
terrorist groups.
Q : They also requested the removal of foreign (military) advisors (from
Colombia). Is this possible?
No.
Q : This is not negotiable?
No.
Q : Why provide all of the US$98 million to the 18th Brigade in Arauca,
instead of creating a new (brigade)?
Frankly, we have discussed this issue a great deal and we have come to
the conclusion, with General Tapias and his advisors, which it is easier
to strengthen a battalion that is already working in an area. We are
trying to duplicate our experience with the Counter-Narcotics Brigade in
Larandia (Caquetá).
In the United States Congress, some Congresspeople say that this aid
would be used to protect oil companies and not Colombian democracy.
The pipeline represents an important percentage of the Gross National
Product (GNP), and a country cannot lose a percentage of its production
for a long time without it affecting its democracy.
Q : Nevertheless, it continues to be military aid.
If a country has an income source like Caño Limón, which loses almost
US$500 million in one year, it cannot pay teachers, it cannot build
health centers, nor can it pay “public forces” (Armed Forces and
police), so the resources are fundamental, and furthermore, oil exports
are very important for the country.
Q : There is also the aid for an Anti-kidnapping Plan. How would this
work?
We are offering training for the GAULA (Unified Action Groups for
Personal Security-joint operations between Armed Forces and the Police)
and the military experts in anti-kidnapping (operations). We want to
continue with the training at all levels, improve intelligence and help
to establish analysis centers for the anti-kidnapping program.
Q : Would you then need to request more money from Congress?
There is no money, so we would need to find it. But this is not a very
expensive program, between an additional US$25 and 30 million, so
perhaps we could find it in other budgets without needing to go to
Congress.
Q : Back to the US$98 million.what kind of aid will this translate into?
To begin, (it will be for) training of the 18th Brigade, which has
control over this area. And then approximately US$60 million for the
purchase of helicopters, communications equipment and intelligence.
Q : How will the pipeline be protected?
With intelligence, community action programs, and strengthening of
police stations.
Q : Are there a set number of stations?
I believe there are between three and five, but we have not come to this
depth of detail yet.
Q : Will there be an increase in the number of people in the Brigade?
We are working on this with General Tapias, but I think so.
Q : Will this investment in Caño Limón be sufficient to give confidence
to the oil companies?
Ecopetrol (the Colombian State Oil Company) tells us that there is a lot
of potential oil near the Caño Limón pipeline, so that if there is more
security, it is possible that there could be production and it could be
exported through the pipeline.
Q : Specifically with Oxy, do they appear calm enough to continue in the
oil field of Samoré, for example, with this initiative?
I don’t know, but Oxy has spent a lot of money in this country in
exploration.
Q : Have any other oil companies mentioned that with this initiative
they would come to Colombia?
What I know comes from Ecopetrol. I can tell you that we have not had
much interest from United States’ companies to invest in Colombia, in
spite of the possibilities, because of the security issue.
Q : With these initiatives, would the interest increase?
Yes, but this is my opinion.
Q : What would happen if Congress resists passing this US$98 million?
They simply resist, but I believe that in spite of the big debate it
will create, at the end of the day we will see it pass.
Q : Where is the initiative now?
We have put forth the proposal and we entered the debate. Generally we
receive the final budget at the end of the year, in November.
Q : So the US$98 million would be for next year?
Yes.
Q : What will be the strongest argument for the government to defend
this proposal in the U.S. Congress?
Colombia has great potential for exporting more oil to the United
States, and now more than ever it is important for us to diversify our
oil sources.
